Wednesday, August 5, 2026

Per capita Allocation for 2026 Federal Budget

Combine ​National Development Expenditure (DE) and direct state allocation in comparing  the per capita allocation of funds


 To compare per capita funding accurately, we must combine Direct State Line-Item Allocations (state-tagged budget items) with Centralized Sectoral Development Expenditure (DE)—the federal ministry spending on healthcare, education, defense, and mega-infrastructure (such as highways, power grids, and submarine cables).

The Federal Development Expenditure (DE) Framework

Out of Malaysia’s total federal budget expenditure (~RM 419.2 billion), Development Expenditure (DE) stands at approximately RM 86.0 billion.

This RM 86.0 billion is deployed through two distinct channels:

  1. Direct State Allocations & Special Grants: Earmarked directly for specific state governments (e.g., Sabah's RM 6.9B + RM 600M MA63 grant).
  2. Centralized / Sectoral Ministry DE: Projects executed directly by federal ministries (Ministry of Works, Ministry of Rural & Regional Development, Ministry of Education, Defense, Health, etc.).

Combined Funding Comparison (Federal DE + Direct State Allocations)

By mapping both direct line items and ministry project spending back to their respective geographic regions, the total effective development expenditure breaks down as follows:

                          TOTAL FEDERAL DE ALLOCATION (~RM 86B)
                                           │
         ┌─────────────────────────────────┼─────────────────────────────────┐
         ▼                                 ▼                                 ▼
   SABAH REGION                   SARAWAK REGION                   PENINSULAR MALAYA
  ~RM 14.5 Billion                ~RM 12.5 Billion                 ~RM 59.0 Billion
 (Direct + Sectoral)             (Direct + Sectoral)              (Direct + Sectoral)

Detailed Regional Breakdown Table

Expenditure CategorySabahSarawakPeninsular Malaysia (Malaya)
Direct State Line-Item DERM 6.90 BRM 6.00 B~RM 20.00 B (across 11 states + FTs)
MA63 Special Grant (Art. 112D)RM 0.60 BRM 0.60 BN/A
Sectoral Ministry DE Spent in Region~RM 7.00 B (Pan Borneo, Southern Link Grid, SALAM Cable, Water Infra)~RM 5.90 B (SSLR Phase 1/2, Red Line Sibu, SALAM Cable)~RM 39.00 B (ECRL, MRT3, Federal Hospitals, Defense, Admin CAPEX)
Total Combined Federal DE~RM 14.50 Billion~RM 12.50 Billion~RM 59.00 Billion
Total Population (DOSM)3.76 Million2.50 Million27.80 Million
Malaysian Citizens Only2.72 Million2.40 Million25.00 Million

Per Capita Calculation

Using the per capita formula:

\text{Per Capita Allocation} = \frac{\text{Total Combined Federal DE (Direct + Sectoral)}}{\text{Population}}

1. Per Capita Basis (Total Population including Non-Citizens)

  • Sabah: \frac{\text{RM 14.50 Billion}}{\text{3.76 Million}} \approx \mathbf{RM\ 3,856\ / \text{person}}
  • Sarawak: \frac{\text{RM 12.50 Billion}}{\text{2.50 Million}} \approx \mathbf{RM\ 5,000\ / \text{person}}
  • Peninsular Malaysia: \frac{\text{RM 59.00 Billion}}{\text{27.80 Million}} \approx \mathbf{RM\ 2,122\ / \text{person}}

2. Per Capita Basis (Malaysian Citizens Only)

Because non-citizens make up ~27.7% of Sabah’s total population (~1.04 million individuals), calculating funding strictly per citizen changes the output:

  • Sabah: \frac{\text{RM 14.50 Billion}}{\text{2.72 Million}} \approx \mathbf{RM\ 5,330\ / \text{citizen}}
  • Sarawak: \frac{\text{RM 12.50 Billion}}{\text{2.40 Million}} \approx \mathbf{RM\ 5,208\ / \text{citizen}}
  • Peninsular Malaysia: \frac{\text{RM 59.00 Billion}}{\text{25.00 Million}} \approx \mathbf{RM\ 2,360\ / \text{citizen}}

Core Structural Insights

  1. The Combined Per Capita Premium: When combining direct state allocations and sectoral ministry project funding, Sabah receives roughly 1.8 times more federal DE per resident (and 2.2 times more per citizen) than Peninsular Malaysia on average.
  2. The Spatial Efficiency Ratio: The per-capita gap is intentional and stems from physical landmass and population density: \text{Population Density} = \begin{cases} \text{Peninsular Malaysia:} & \sim 210 \text{ people/km}^2 \\ \text{Sabah:} & \sim 51 \text{ people/km}^2 \end{cases} Laying a kilometer of water pipe or power line in Sabah serves far fewer people than the same distance laid along the Klang Valley or West Coast Peninsular corridor.
  3. Execution vs. Allocation Gap: While combined allocations place Sabah ahead on a per-capita basis, state economic reports and legal discussions frequently point out that actual project disbursement rates (spending on the ground) historically lag behind budget allocations due to tender bottlenecks, land acquisition delays, and administrative red tape.


Analyze the actual disbursement and execution rates of federal development expenditure in Sabah compared to what is allocated in annual national budgets.


A critical issue in Sabah's public finance is the gap between headline federal development allocations (announced annually in the national budget) and actual on-the-ground project disbursement.

While federal development expenditure (DE) allocated to Sabah reached record highs—rising from RM4.4 billion in 2022 to RM6.9 billion in Budget 2026—the execution rate varies significantly depending on whether projects are managed directly by Sabah State agencies or kept under Federal Ministry control.

Comparative Execution Performance

Execution ChannelTypical Annual Execution RatePerformance Profile
Federal Funds Managed Directly by Sabah State Agencies80% – 99.5%High Efficiency. The Sabah Ministry of Finance reported a 99.52% execution rate for federal allocations delegated to state agencies in 2025, placing Sabah as the 3rd best-performing state in Malaysia for state-managed federal funds.
Direct Federal Ministry-Executed Projects60% – 67%Systemic Lag. Historically, projects managed directly by federal ministries in Putrajaya average 60% to 67% utilization by Q4. Approximately 30% to 40% of allocated funds are routinely unspent, resulting in project rollovers or returned funds.

Primary Causes of Execution Lag in Direct Federal DE

1. Centralized Procurement and Putrajaya Approval Delays

Historically, project approvals, tender evaluations, and variation orders (VOs) required multi-tiered sign-offs from ministry headquarters in Putrajaya. This administrative structure created lead times of several months before contractors could draw down funds.

2. The Pre-Implementation "Bottleneck"

A significant portion of approved DE projects remain stuck in the pre-implementation phase. Out of over 1,180 projects approved for Sabah under the 5-year development plan, over 80% have been held in pre-implementation stages (feasibility studies, land acquisition, site surveys, and tender procurement), where financial disbursement is minimal compared to active physical construction.

3. Land Acquisition & Utility Relocation

Linear infrastructure projects—such as the Pan Borneo Highway Sabah (Phase 1A/1B), rural road connections, and high-voltage transmission lines—frequently face delays due to:

  • Lengthy negotiations regarding Native Customary Rights (NCR) land and land title acquisition.
  • Slow utility relocation (shifting existing water mains and electricity poles along expanding road alignments).

4. The Consolidated Fund Issue

Direct federal development allocations do not enter the Sabah State Consolidated Fund. Because the funds are retained and disbursed directly by federal ministry accounts in Putrajaya, local state agencies lack direct authority to reallocate underutilized funds toward faster-moving local projects within the same financial year.

Key Policy Interventions & MA63 Reforms

To resolve these execution bottlenecks, recent structural changes have been implemented under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) framework:

1. Delegation of Technical Approval Authority (Up to RM50 Million) The Federal Government delegated full technical approval authority for development projects under RM50 million directly to Sabah’s Public Works Department (JKR Sabah) and Department of Irrigation and Drainage (JPS Sabah), bypassing Putrajaya approval queues.

2. Escalation of Special Grants The MA63 Special Grant under Article 112D was doubled to RM600 million, placing liquidity directly into state-administered channels for immediate local deployment.

3. Direct Project Delivery Committees Priority infrastructure—such as the RM1.67 billion Pan Borneo Sabah allocation, RM1.2 billion electricity grid support, and RM1 billion water infrastructure program—are increasingly being managed via joint federal-state technical committees to expedite tender awards and site handovers.


 The legal and political status of Sabah's 40% net revenue entitlement claim is defined by a landmark High Court ruling, subsequent appellate appeals, and ongoing negotiations regarding interim funding versus historical arrears.

1. Constitutional & Legal Framework

The 40% net revenue claim is rooted in the constitutional provisions negotiated under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63):

  • Article 112C & Tenth Schedule, Part IV, Section 2(1): Mandates a Special Grant to Sabah equivalent to 40% of the net revenue derived by the Federal Government from the state.
  • Article 112D: Mandates periodic 5-year joint reviews of this grant between the Federal Government and the Sabah State Government.
  • The "Lost Years" (1974–2021): Following the initial review in 1969, the Federal Government failed to conduct mandatory 5-year reviews for nearly 48 years. Instead, Sabah was paid a frozen, flat-rate annual grant of RM 26.7 million, disregarding the 40% formula.

2. The Landmark High Court Judgment (October 2025)

In a major legal precedent, the Kota Kinabalu High Court ruled in favor of the Sabah Law Society (SLS) in its judicial review action against the Federal Government (SLS v. Government of Malaysia & Anor):

  • Unconstitutional Omission: The High Court held that the failure to conduct reviews and calculate the 40% entitlement for the 48 "Lost Years" was unconstitutional, unlawful, and ultra vires Articles 112C and 112D.
  • Order of Mandamus: The court issued a mandatory order directing the Federal and Sabah State Governments to conduct an immediate constitutional review under Article 112D to determine and remit the 40% net revenue arrears for 1974–2021.
  • Strict Timelines: The High Court ordered negotiations to commence within 90 days and complete within 180 days (setting a deadline of April 15, 2026).

3. Current Appellate Status (2026)

Following the High Court's judgment, legal proceedings moved to the Court of Appeal:

  • Federal Attorney General's Appeal: The Federal Government filed an appeal challenging specific aspects of the High Court judgment—including the findings of breach/abuse of power and the imposition of court-mandated strict timelines.
  • Stay of Execution (April 2026): The Court of Appeal granted the Federal Government's application for a stay of execution on the High Court’s 180-day deadline, temporarily freezing the mandatory timeline pending the full hearing of the appeal.
  • Divergence Between Political Stance and Legal Filings:
    • Executive Position: The Prime Minister has repeatedly stated publicly that the Federal Government does not dispute the 40% entitlement principle and is committed to fulfilling MA63 obligations.
    • Legal Reality: The Federal AG's appeal and stay application mean that the exact computation method, liability for past arrears, and enforceability of strict judicial timelines remain actively contested in court.

4. Financial & Political Dynamics

                                SABAH 40% ENTITLEMENT PROFILE
┌──────────────────────────────────────┬──────────────────────────────────────┐
│        INTERIM SPECIAL GRANT         │        CONSTITUTIONAL 40% CLAIM       │
├──────────────────────────────────────┼──────────────────────────────────────┤
│ • Increased to RM 600 Million        │ • Estimated at Billions annually     │
│ • Paid "without prejudice"           │ • Includes historical arrears (48 yrs)│
│ • Governed by Article 112D           │ • Governed by Art 112C + 10th Sched  │
└──────────────────────────────────────┴──────────────────────────────────────┘
  1. Interim Funding vs. Constitutional Benchmark: Pending a final judicial resolution or bilateral settlement, the Federal Government increased the interim Special Grant to RM 600 million annually for Sabah. However, this is legally designated as an interim payment without prejudice to Sabah's constitutional claim under Article 112C.
  2. Sabah Political Landscape: The filing of the federal appeal and stay application generated significant public friction in Sabah. Regional political coalitions and civil society groups continue to press for a formal, binding settlement mechanism for the arrears rather than relying on ad-hoc interim grants.

Explain how 'net revenue' is legally defined and calculated under the Tenth Schedule of the Federal Constitution for Sabah's 40% claim.

Under Article 112C and Part IV, Section 2 of the Tenth Schedule of the Federal Constitution of Malaysia, Sabah’s 40% Special Grant is defined through a specific statutory formula.

1. The Core Constitutional Formula

Section 2(1) of Part IV states that the grant payable to Sabah in any financial year is:

\text{Special Grant} = 40\% \times \left( \text{Net Revenue}_{t} - \text{Net Revenue}_{1963} \right)

  • \text{Net Revenue}_{t}: The net federal revenue derived from Sabah in the current financial year t.
  • \text{Net Revenue}_{1963}: The baseline net federal revenue derived from Sabah in 1963 (calculated under the tax structures in place on Malaysia Day).

2. Statutory Definition of "Net Revenue"

Section 2(1)(b) of Part IV explicitly defines Net Revenue as:

"...the revenue which accrues to the Federation, less the amounts received by the State in respect of assignments of that revenue."

To calculate this value for any given year, two distinct variables must be calculated:

\text{Net Revenue}_{t} = \text{Gross Federal Revenue Derived from Sabah } (R_{\text{Fed}}) - \text{Revenue Assigned to the State } (R_{\text{Assigned}})

A. Gross Federal Revenue Derived from Sabah (R_{\text{Fed}})

This encompasses all revenue collected by, accruing to, or attributable to the Federal Government originating from the territory of Sabah. Under standard accounting and legal practice, this includes:

  • Direct Taxes: Personal Income Tax, Corporate Income Tax, Petroleum Income Tax (PITA), Real Property Gains Tax (RPGT), and Stamp Duties collected/derived from Sabah operations.
  • Indirect Taxes: Sales and Services Tax (SST), Customs Duties (Import/Export), Excise Duties, and windfall profit levies.
  • Non-Tax Revenue & Dividends: Federal share of petroleum royalties, regulatory fees, licenses, and federal statutory body or GLC dividends (such as PETRONAS dividends) directly attributable to resource extraction or economic activity in Sabah.

B. Permissible Deductions (R_{\text{Assigned}})

To prevent double counting, the formula deducts revenue that the Federal Government has already assigned directly to the State Consolidated Fund under Part V of the Tenth Schedule. These assignments include:

  • Import and export duties on petroleum products and timber/forest produce.
  • State sales taxes.
  • Port and harbour fees/dues (other than federal ports).
  • Other specific grants charged under Part V.

3. Key Legal & Accounting Controversies in Calculation

Because the Federal Constitution provides the legal principle rather than a step-by-step accounting manual, three primary legal debates surround how the calculation is operationalized:

1. "Derived From" vs. "Collected In"

  • The Federal Administrative View: Historically, federal reports primarily tracked taxes physically collected at tax offices located within Sabah.
  • The Constitutional/Legal View: Legal scholars and the Sabah Law Society emphasize the word "derived". Revenue derived from Sabah includes taxes paid at headquarters in Kuala Lumpur or Selangor by corporations whose revenue-generating assets, plantations, or oil wells physically operate in Sabah.

2. Petroleum Income & Offshore Territorial Limits

  • A major component of the calculation is Petroleum Income Tax (PITA) and PETRONAS dividends. A key legal dispute centers on whether revenue derived from offshore oil and gas fields within Sabah’s continental shelf and Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) constitutes revenue "derived from Sabah" under the 1963 baseline boundary definitions.

3. Revenue vs. Net Fiscal Position (The Expenditure Fallacy)

  • Politicians sometimes argue that federal operating expenses in Sabah (e.g., funding schools, police, healthcare, federal agency salaries) should be deducted from the revenue total.
  • Legal Position: From a strict statutory perspective, Section 2 of Part IV refers exclusively to Revenue, not net expenditure or fiscal deficit. Federal operating and development expenditures are separate constitutional duties governed under the Federal List, not deductible items under the Tenth Schedule calculation.

 

Wednesday, April 22, 2026

Pemberian Pulau Mangsee, Kagayan dan Penyu mungkin mengkhianati Hak Sabah

 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Sabah#:~:text=The%20history%20of%20Sabah%20can,Crown%20Colony%20of%20North%20Borneo.


Berita ini tidak betul sebab pada 1932, masih Chartered Company, bukan British Colony. Lepas perang dunia 2, setahu aku, pulau pulau itu di beri sebagai hadiah kepada USA oleh UK setelah North Borneo menjadi koloni UK pada 1946. Tapi USA berikan kemerdekaan kepada Filipina pada tahun 1946. Pengambil alih kuasa USA untuk kawasan Sabah cuma di buat pada tahun 1947 secara resmi.


Ada pembohongan dan penipuan, sebab itu tidak konsisten.


Jadi bukan setakat administrasi atau pentadbiran sahaja sebelum 1946, tapi sa bahagian dari Sabah di bawah kawalan Chartered Company, yang memegang cagaran selama lamanya terhadap Sabah.


Jelas juga di 1930 USA and UK Convention:


https://elibrary.judiciary.gov.ph/thebookshelf/showdocs/35/13039#:~:text=WHEREAS%20a%20convention%20between%20the,Henry%20L.



ARTICLE III


All islands to the north and east of the said line and all islands and rocks traversed by the said line, should there be any such, shall belong to the Philippine Archipelago and all islands to the south and west of the said line shall belong to the State of North Borneo.



Perjanjian ini lah asas kawasan Filipina sebelum 1947.


Ertinya, UK mungkin melanggar perjanjian ini dan mengkhianati Sabah dengan memberi tanah Sabah kepada Filipina. Mau cari kuasa kerajaan Koloni dan perjanjian di antara Chartered Company dengan UK. 



Jelas juga dari Gemini. Jika perpindahan hak melibatkan penduduk, Parliament UK mesti meluluskan nya. Bukan sahaja di pulau pulau itu tapi keluarga mereka di tanah besar Sabah. Sabah boleh minta balik hak kepada pulau pulau tersebut.

The authority of a British colonial government to transfer territory or land to another sovereign power depends largely on the legal status of the colony and the specific period in history.

In British constitutional law, the transfer of territory is generally considered an exercise of the **Royal Prerogative**, but this power is not absolute and is often constrained by the role of the UK Parliament.

## 1. The Royal Prerogative vs. Parliament

Historically, the Crown had the power to cede territory under the Royal Prerogative (the executive power of the monarch). However, a significant legal shift occurred in the late 19th century.

 * **Pre-1890s:** It was widely believed the Crown could transfer land via treaty without Parliamentary consent.

 * **The Anglo-German Agreement (1890):** When the UK ceded **Heligoland** to Germany, the government of the day sought Parliamentary approval via an Act of Parliament. This set a lasting constitutional precedent: while the Crown negotiates the treaty, the actual transfer of British subjects' rights and the alteration of British territory usually requires **statutory authority**.

## 2. Settlement vs. Conquest/Cession

The type of colony dictated the level of local or parliamentary control:

 * **Settled Colonies:** In colonies where British settlers established themselves (like parts of Australia or North America), the settlers carried English law with them. The Crown’s power to change the law or transfer land without an Act of Parliament was more limited.

 * **Ceded or Conquered Colonies:** In territories acquired through war or treaty (like many parts of the Caribbean or Africa), the Crown initially held broader "plenary" powers to legislate via **Orders in Council**. In these cases, the colonial government (acting as the Crown’s representative) had more direct authority, but large-scale transfers to foreign powers still typically required London’s oversight.

## 3. The Role of Colonial Administrators

A colonial Governor or local administration rarely had the independent authority to transfer land to a *foreign* government on their own. Their powers were defined by **Letters Patent** and **Royal Instructions**.

 * **Internal Land Transfers:** Governors could grant or transfer land to individuals or corporations within the colony based on local land ordinances.

 * **External Transfers:** Any transfer of territory to another nation was a matter of foreign policy, which remained the exclusive domain of the Imperial Government in London.

## 4. Modern Statutory Requirements

For most of the 20th century, the decolonization process or the transfer of territory (such as the transfer of Hong Kong to China) was executed through specific Acts of Parliament (e.g., the **Hong Kong Act 1985**). This ensures that the executive cannot strip residents of their status or change the jurisdiction of the land without the oversight of the legislature.

### Summary Table: Authority Levels

| Action | Authority Required |

|---|---|

| **Granting land to a settler** | Local Governor (via Colonial Ordinances) |

| **Altering internal boundaries** | Order in Council (Executive) |

| **Ceding territory to a foreign power** | Treaty (Executive) + **Act of Parliament (Legislative)** |

> **Note:** While the Executive (the government) can sign a treaty to transfer land, that treaty cannot usually be enforced or finalized in a way that affects the rights of the inhabitants without Parliament passing a corresponding law.



Tuesday, February 24, 2026

Cara Malaya Mencuri Hak Reputasi Borneo

 Soalan kepada Gemini:

But with 90% cocoa being produced in borneo with Malaya only producing 10% in that Geographic identity, and given the wide difference in the land and weather of Borneo vs Malaya, is it fair that the low quality cocoa from Malays destroy the reputation of Borneo cocoa?


​Borneo’s volcanic soils (especially in areas like Tawau) and its distinct humidity levels create a flavor profile (often more fruity or floral) that is physically impossible to replicate in the soil of the Malay Peninsula. 


Satu cara lagi orang Malaya atau Malaysia mencuri hak Sabah dan Sarawak terang terangan dengan menggunakan reputasi Borneo untuk menjual Cocoa dari Malaya. Cocoa dari Malaya tidak boleh tandingi mutu cocoa dari Borneo terutama dari Sabah iaitu Tawau. Sebab itu orang Malaya mengguna branding Malaysia Cocoa untuk menipu pelanggan. Jadi jangan beli cocoa yang di label Malaysia Cocoa. Ini di panggil consumer deception tapi di benarkan oleh undang undang. 


​In international trade, if "Malayan" cocoa is sold as "Borneo" cocoa, it is considered Consumer Deception. However, if both are sold as "Malaysian," it is legally "accurate" but commercially "unfair" to the Borneo farmers who do the heavy lifting.


Mutu cocoa dari Sabah jauh lebih baik dari yang dari Malaya. Cocoa dari Sabah selalunya ada lebih rasa buahan dan bunga bungaan. 


https://g.co/gemini/share/9cfbeefb7e3f

Why Malaya keeps on wanting to negotiate MA63 for eternity?

Makes sense. My main concern is the theft of more than 1 trillion RM based on current value, based on constitution. The MA63 has more conditions such as 100% Borneonisation of all civil service which has monetary and other  losses to Sabah as well. Imagine the salaries that Sabahan loses to Mslayans working in Sabah. In fact together with this clause, the 40% special grant should exclude salaries to Malaysn people because those money cannot be treated as Sabahan money.


 Since 1963, Sabah has never truly recovered its autonomy because the system that was supposed to protect it under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 was dismantled — quietly, legally, and deliberately — by federal centralisation after 1963.


Malaysia knows this.


That is why Sabah today does not ask for administrative reform.

Sabah demands sovereignty.


Why Malaysia still negotiates even if MA63 is void


If MA63 is void ab initio, Malaysia never acquired lawful sovereignty over Sabah under international law.


Yet Malaysia still negotiates — because refusal would legally amount to:


• Illegal occupation

• A continuing breach of international law

• Exposure to sanctions, diplomatic isolation, and international litigation


This is not theoretical.

It has happened before.


It is exactly what occurred when Indonesia was compelled to negotiate over East Timor,

and when South Africa was forced to relinquish Namibia.


In both cases, the occupying power exercised “constitutional control” — yet the international community ruled that control illegal and demanded negotiations for decolonisation.


The legal truth


Malaysia’s continued presence in Sabah rests on MA63.

If MA63 collapses in law, so does Malaysia’s title.


That is why Malaysia negotiates.


Not out of goodwill —

but because international law leaves it no choice.


Sabah is not a state begging for autonomy.

Sabah is a people reclaiming sovereignty.


https://www.facebook.com/share/17JDHwc11N/



Tuesday, December 23, 2025

How Voting Power of Sabah Robbed by Malaya

 1963-1964: voter's/MP

Trengganu 25,000

Sabah 9375

Selangor 32,000


2025

Trengganu 115,000

Sabah 68,000

Selangor 168,000


Period State Total Parliamentary Seats Total Registered Voters Avg. Voters Per Seat

1963/64 Selangor 14 ~450,000 ~32,000

  Sabah 16 ~150,000* ~9,375

Present (2024) Selangor 22 ~3,700,000 ~168,000

  Sabah 25



Voting power of Sabah Vs Selangor reduced from 3.4 to 2.5.


​2. The "Weight" of a Vote

​The "value" of a vote is often measured by how many voters it takes to elect one Member of Parliament (MP).

​1963: A voter in Sabah had roughly 3.4 times the "voting power" of a voter in Selangor. This was a deliberate constitutional design to protect the interests of the less populous Borneo states.

​Present: Today, a voter in Sabah has roughly 2.5 times the voting power of a voter in Selangor.





Dari Gemini:

Number of parliamentary seats per voter in Trengganu Vs Sabah in 1963 Vs the .present



​Note on 1963 Data: In 1963, Sabah's first representatives were indirectly elected by the State Legislative Assembly rather than through a direct popular vote. The first direct parliamentary elections for Sabah occurred in 1969/1970. The 1964 data for Terengganu is used as it was the first general election after the formation of Malaysia.

​Key Historical & Modern Differences

​1. The "Borneo Weightage" (1963)

​When Malaysia was formed, Sabah (16 seats) and Sarawak (24 seats) were given a high seat-to-voter ratio. This was a constitutional safeguard to prevent the Peninsular states from having a "two-thirds majority" that could unilaterally amend the Constitution. At the time, a voter in Sabah had nearly 3 times the representative power of a voter in Terengganu.  

​2. The Impact of "Undi18" and Automatic Registration

​The jump in voter numbers in the "Present" column is largely due to the 2021 implementation of Undi18 (lowering the voting age) and Automatic Voter Registration (AVR).

​Terengganu: Now has a very high concentration of voters per seat (115,000+), meaning its seats are among the most "heavily loaded" in the country.

​Sabah: While its voter base has exploded, its 25 seats still result in a much lower average (67,000) compared to Terengganu. This is partly due to its vast geography and the continued application of "rural weightage."

​3. Constituency Maldistribution

​The present-day figures highlight a common critique of the Malaysian electoral system: malapportionment.

​In Terengganu, seats like Kemaman have over 139,000 voters.

​In Sabah, while some seats are large, others like Igan (in neighboring Sarawak, but following a similar Borneo trend) or smaller Sabah rural seats have significantly fewer voters, maintaining the "Borneo advantage" originally intended in the 1963 Malaysia Agreement (MA63).

​Would you like me to look up the specific voter counts for the largest and smallest individual seats within Terengganu and Sabah to see the internal disparity?


Sunday, December 14, 2025

Violation of the Constitution of Malaysia: PERKARA 1(3) PERLEMBAGAAN PERSEKUTUAN:

 1. STATUS PELANTAR BENUA SABAH: HAK WILAYAH, BUKAN KONSESI

=====================================

✔ Perintah Borneo Utara (Pengubahan Sempadan) 1954


Ini adalah dokumen penentu (constitutive instrument).


Dibuat melalui Order in Council British


Mengiktiraf:


✓Pelantar benua


✓Dasar laut


✓Tanah bawah laut

sebagai sebahagian daripada wilayah Sabah


❗ Ini bukan lesen, bukan pajakan, bukan delegasi. ➡️ Ini pengiktirafan sempadan wilayah.


Dalam undang-undang antarabangsa:


> Continental shelf = inherent right of the coastal territory


Hak ini wujud ipso facto, bukan hasil rundingan selepas 1963.


2. PERKARA 1(3) PERLEMBAGAAN PERSEKUTUAN: KUNCI YANG SERING DIABAIKAN

=====================================

> “Sempadan Sabah adalah sempadannya pada Hari Malaysia, 16 September 1963.”


Ini sangat penting.


Maknanya:


✓Apa sahaja yang sah menjadi wilayah Sabah pada 15 Sept 1963


✓terkunci secara perlembagaan


Dan pada tarikh itu:


Pelantar benua SUDAH menjadi wilayah Sabah sejak 1954


➡️ Maka:


> Sebarang undang-undang selepas 1963 yang cuba mengecilkan wilayah Sabah adalah bercanggah dengan Perkara 1(3).


Akta Perairan Wilayah 2012, OCS 1966, malah PDA 1974 — semuanya datang KEMUDIAN.


3. ORDINAN TANAH SABAH (CAP. 68): HUJAH DOMESTIK YANG SANGAT KUAT

=====================================

(a) Tanah di bawah air = Tanah Negeri

=====================================

Ordinan Tanah Sabah dengan jelas menyatakan:


Tanah termasuk:


✓Dasar laut


✓Tanah bawah laut


✓Sehingga ke pelantar benua


Dan:


Tanah ialah urusan Negeri (Jadual Kesembilan, Senarai Negeri)


➡️ Ini bukan isu petroleum, ini isu pemilikan tanah.


(b) Seksyen 24 Ordinan Tanah Sabah

=====================================

> Semua arang batu, galian, batu berharga, dan minyak galian adalah milik Kerajaan Sabah.


Ini membawa implikasi besar:


1. Hak milik originating title di Sabah


2. Lesen & permit dikeluarkan oleh Sabah


3. Persekutuan tiada hak milik asal


4. PDA 1974: TITIK PALING LEMAH KERAJAAN PERSEKUTUAN

=====================================

Jadi semua hujah Dr Jeffrey, Yong Teck Lee, Willie Mongin, para wakil rakyat Sabah Sarawak di Parlimen, serta hujah-hujah tuntutan rakyat Sabah Sarawak di medsos adalah tepat walau jarang disentuh/dibagi perhatian:


> PDA 1974 hanya menyebut “petroleum”, bukan gas asli secara mutlak


Dan lebih penting:


✓PDA 1974 tidak boleh memadam hak tanah


Ia tidak meminda:


✓Ordinan Tanah Sabah


✓Perkara 1(3)


✓MA63


Dalam hierarki undang-undang:


> Hak wilayah → Hak tanah → Hak sumber → Barulah undang-undang sektor


PDA 1974 cuba melangkau hierarki ini, sebab itu ia rapuh secara perlembagaan apabila diaplikasikan ke Sabah. 


5. “TIDAK BOLEH DIRUNDING”: ADALAH BETUL DARI SUDUT UNDANG-UNDANG

=====================================

Ini poin paling penting.


❌ Mengapa “rundingan” itu sebenarnya salah konsep:


Rundingan hanya wujud jika:


✓Hak belum jelas


✓Hak masih dipertikaikan


✓Hak bersifat konsesi


Tetapi dalam kes Sabah Sarawak:


✓Hak wilayah → telah ditetapkan


✓Hak pelantar benua → diiktiraf


✓Hak tanah & galian → termaktub


➡️ Maka:


> Merundingkan hak mutlak adalah menyangkal hak itu belum wujud


Jadi tidak PERLU ada Rundingan. Hal ini bukan untuk di runding.


Sebab itu Dr Jeffrey dan Yong Teck Lee adalah betul:


> Hak ini bukan untuk dirunding, tetapi untuk dihormati dan dilaksanakan.


6. KAITAN TERUS DENGAN MA63 & VCLT

=====================================

Kenyataan ini selari sepenuhnya dengan:


✓MA63 (tiada penyerahan pelantar benua)


✓VCLT Art. 26 & 27


✓Prinsip non-derogation of territorial integrity


Undang-undang domestik:


❌ Tidak boleh mengurangkan wilayah


❌ Tidak boleh mengubah treaty


❌ Tidak boleh memadam hak pra-pembentukan


7. KESIMPULAN UNDANG-UNDANG (TEGAS)

=====================================

1. ✔ Pelantar benua Sabah dan pelantar benua Sarawak adalah wilayah Sabah


2. ✔ Hak minyak & gas berpunca daripada hak tanah wilayah


3. ✔ PDA 1974 tidak boleh mengatasi Ordinan Tanah Sabah dan Sarawak


4. ✔ Akta Persekutuan pasca-1963 tidak boleh mengecilkan sempadan Sabah


5. ✔ “Rundingan” hanyalah jalan politik — bukan keperluan undang-undang


Secara jujur:


> Jika isu ini dibawa ke "tribunal antarabangsa" atau Mahkamah Persekutuan dengan hujah wilayah (bukan royalti), kedudukan Sabah adalah sangat kuat.


Sumber: 

Gambar:Daily Express Online (22 July, 2022)

Caption "Chief Minister Mustapha (left), signing a 10-year oil prospecting right to the Teiseki Oil Company in May, 1968."


=====================================

CONTOH:

MEMORIAL UNDANG-UNDANG SABAH


MENGENAI STATUS PELANTAR BENUA SABAH DAN HAK MILIK SUMBER MINYAK DAN GAS


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I. PENDAHULUAN


Memorial ini disediakan bagi menghuraikan kedudukan undang-undang Sabah berhubung hak wilayah, pelantar benua, serta pemilikan dan pengurusan sumber minyak dan gas, berdasarkan asas perlembagaan, undang-undang pra-pembentukan Malaysia, Perjanjian Malaysia 1963 (MA63), dan prinsip undang-undang antarabangsa.


Memorial ini bertujuan menegaskan bahawa pelantar benua Sabah dan sumber di dalamnya merupakan hak mutlak wilayah Sabah, bukan konsesi persekutuan, dan tidak tertakluk kepada rundingan politik atau penyerahan unilateral melalui undang-undang domestik pasca-1963.


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II. STATUS UNDANG-UNDANG SABAH PRA-1963


A. Sabah sebagai Entiti Wilayah Berasingan


Sebelum pembentukan Malaysia, Sabah (British North Borneo) merupakan wilayah berasingan di bawah undang-undang antarabangsa, dengan sempadan, hak wilayah dan kompetensi pentadbiran tersendiri.


Sabah tidak pernah menjadi sebahagian daripada Persekutuan Tanah Melayu, dan hak-hak wilayahnya wujud secara autonomi sebelum 16 September 1963.


---


B. Perintah Borneo Utara (Pengubahan Sempadan) 1954


Melalui North Borneo (Alteration of Boundaries) Order in Council 1954, pelantar benua, termasuk dasar laut dan tanah di bawahnya, telah diiktiraf secara rasmi sebagai sebahagian daripada wilayah Sabah.


Perintah ini bukan bersifat pentadbiran semata-mata, tetapi merupakan instrumen penentu sempadan wilayah (constitutive territorial instrument), yang mengesahkan bahawa hak pelantar benua Sabah adalah hak wilayah, bukan hak lesen atau konsesi.


---


III. KEDUDUKAN PERLEMBAGAAN PASCA-1963


A. Perkara 1(3) Perlembagaan Persekutuan


Perkara 1(3) Perlembagaan Persekutuan memperuntukkan bahawa sempadan Sabah adalah sempadannya pada Hari Malaysia, iaitu 16 September 1963.


Ini bermaksud bahawa semua wilayah yang secara sah menjadi sebahagian daripada Sabah sebelum tarikh tersebut adalah terkunci secara perlembagaan dan tidak boleh dikurangkan melalui undang-undang biasa atau tindakan eksekutif selepas pembentukan Malaysia.


Oleh kerana pelantar benua Sabah telah diiktiraf sebagai wilayah Sabah sejak 1954, ia kekal sebagai sebahagian daripada sempadan Sabah di bawah Perlembagaan Persekutuan.


---


B. Tanah sebagai Urusan Negeri


Di bawah Jadual Kesembilan Perlembagaan Persekutuan, tanah adalah perkara dalam Senarai Negeri. Ini termasuk tanah di bawah air, dasar laut, dan tanah bawah laut yang berada dalam sempadan wilayah negeri.


Sebarang undang-undang persekutuan yang cuba memindahkan pemilikan tanah negeri tanpa pindaan perlembagaan adalah bercanggah dengan struktur persekutuan dan prinsip pembahagian kuasa.


---


IV. ORDINAN TANAH SABAH (CAP. 68)


A. Skop Takrif Tanah


Ordinan Tanah Sabah memperuntukkan bahawa tanah termasuk tanah di bawah air, dasar laut dan tanah bawah laut sehingga ke had wilayah negeri, termasuk pelantar benua.


Oleh itu, pelantar benua Sabah tertakluk kepada bidang kuasa undang-undang tanah negeri Sabah.


---


B. Seksyen 24 Ordinan Tanah Sabah


Seksyen 24 Ordinan Tanah Sabah memperuntukkan bahawa semua arang batu, galian, batu berharga, dan minyak galian adalah hak milik Kerajaan Sabah.


Kuasa untuk mengeluarkan lesen, permit dan kebenaran bagi penerokaan dan pengeluaran sumber-sumber tersebut terletak sepenuhnya pada Kerajaan Negeri Sabah.


---


V. PERJANJIAN MALAYSIA 1963 (MA63)


A. Sifat MA63 sebagai Perjanjian Antarabangsa


MA63 merupakan perjanjian antarabangsa yang mengikat pihak-pihak yang menandatanganinya, termasuk United Kingdom, Persekutuan Tanah Melayu, Sabah dan Sarawak.


MA63 tidak mengandungi sebarang peruntukan yang secara nyata menyerahkan pelantar benua atau hak wilayah Sabah kepada Kerajaan Persekutuan.


---


B. Prinsip Non-Derogation of Territorial Integrity


Dalam ketiadaan penyerahan nyata, prinsip undang-undang antarabangsa menetapkan bahawa hak wilayah sedia ada kekal terpelihara.


Sebarang percubaan untuk mengurangkan wilayah atau hak asal Sabah melalui undang-undang domestik pasca-1963 adalah bertentangan dengan MA63.


---


VI. AKTA PERSEKUTUAN PASCA-1963 DAN KESANNYA


A. Akta Pembangunan Petroleum 1974 (PDA 1974)


PDA 1974 merupakan undang-undang persekutuan sektor yang menangani petroleum, namun ia tidak boleh memadam atau mengatasi hak tanah dan hak wilayah Sabah.


Tambahan pula, PDA 1974 tidak secara mutlak memindahkan hak ke atas gas asli, yang kekal di bawah bidang kuasa negeri Sabah berdasarkan Seksyen 24 Ordinan Tanah Sabah.


---


B. Akta Perairan Wilayah 2012 (Akta 750)


Akta Perairan Wilayah 2012 menetapkan perairan wilayah Persekutuan tanpa mengambil kira hak wilayah pra-1963 Sabah.


Penguatkuasaan Akta ini ke atas Sabah merupakan percanggahan dengan Perkara 1(3) Perlembagaan Persekutuan, MA63, dan prinsip undang-undang antarabangsa bahawa undang-undang domestik tidak boleh mengatasi perjanjian antarabangsa.


---


VII. UNDANG-UNDANG ANTARABANGSA DAN VIENNA CONVENTION ON THE LAW OF TREATIES (VCLT)


A. Pacta Sunt Servanda (Artikel 26)


Perjanjian yang berkuat kuasa hendaklah dilaksanakan dengan niat baik. Sebarang tindakan unilateral yang mengurangkan hak Sabah adalah pelanggaran prinsip ini.


B. Undang-undang Dalaman Tidak Boleh Digunakan untuk Mengelak Perjanjian (Artikel 27)


Kerajaan Persekutuan tidak boleh menggunakan undang-undang domestik untuk mengelakkan obligasi di bawah MA63.


---


VIII. KEDUDUKAN UNDANG-UNDANG SABAH


Berdasarkan analisis di atas, kedudukan undang-undang Sabah adalah seperti berikut:


1. Pelantar benua Sabah adalah sebahagian daripada wilayah Sabah.


2. Hak ke atas minyak dan gas berpunca daripada hak tanah negeri.


3. Hak ini adalah hak mutlak dan tidak tertakluk kepada rundingan politik.


4. Undang-undang persekutuan pasca-1963 tidak boleh mengurangkan wilayah atau hak Sabah.


---


IX. KEDUDUKAN UNDANG-UNDANG DI PERINGKAT ANTARABANGSA


A. Status Memorial Ini di Bawah Undang-Undang Antarabangsa


Memorial ini, jika dibawa ke Mahkamah Keadilan Antarabangsa (ICJ), Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA), atau mana-mana tribunal antarabangsa yang kompeten, memenuhi elemen asas memorial wilayah, iaitu:


1. Penetapan tajuk wilayah asal (original territorial title);


2. Bukti instrumen perundangan pra-pembentukan;


3. Penguncian sempadan melalui perlembagaan pasca-pembentukan;


4. Ketiadaan penyerahan wilayah secara nyata;


5. Pelanggaran melalui tindakan unilateral pasca-perjanjian.


Hak pelantar benua Sabah adalah hak yang wujud ipso facto and ab initio, selari dengan prinsip undang-undang laut antarabangsa bahawa hak pelantar benua tidak memerlukan proklamasi atau rundingan untuk berkuat kuasa.


---


B. Pelanggaran Material oleh Tindakan Persekutuan


Penguatkuasaan undang-undang persekutuan pasca-1963 yang mengecilkan atau mengatasi wilayah dan hak Sabah, termasuk tetapi tidak terhad kepada:


Akta Pembangunan Petroleum 1974;


Ordinan Pelantar Benua 1966;


Akta Perairan Wilayah 2012 (Akta 750),


merupakan pelanggaran material terhadap MA63 kerana ia mengubah keseimbangan asas perjanjian dan menafikan faedah utama yang dijanjikan kepada Sabah sebagai pihak asal.


---


C. Aplikasi Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (VCLT)


Walaupun beberapa tindakan berlaku sebelum ratifikasi rasmi VCLT oleh Malaysia, prinsip-prinsip berikut telah diiktiraf sebagai undang-undang adat antarabangsa dan terpakai:


1. Artikel 26 (Pacta Sunt Servanda) – Kewajipan melaksanakan perjanjian dengan niat baik;


2. Artikel 27 – Larangan menggunakan undang-undang dalaman untuk mengelak perjanjian;


3. Artikel 60 – Kesan pelanggaran material terhadap perjanjian;


4. Artikel 62 – Perubahan keadaan asas (hujah alternatif).


---


X. REMEDI UNDANG-UNDANG YANG DIMOHON


Berdasarkan kedudukan undang-undang yang dihuraikan, Sabah berhak menuntut remedi berikut:


1. Pengisytiharan bahawa pelantar benua Sabah adalah sebahagian daripada wilayah Sabah;


2. Pengesahan bahawa hak pemilikan dan pengurusan minyak dan gas di pelantar benua adalah hak negeri Sabah;


3. Pengisytiharan bahawa undang-undang persekutuan pasca-1963 yang bercanggah adalah tidak terpakai ke atas Sabah;


4. Pemulihan penuh kompetensi wilayah dan sumber Sabah;


5. Apa-apa relif lain yang dianggap adil dan sesuai oleh tribunal.


---


XI. PENUTUP


Memorial ini menegaskan bahawa isu pelantar benua dan sumber minyak dan gas Sabah bukan isu rundingan politik, tetapi isu pematuhan undang-undang.


Hak-hak ini wujud sebelum pembentukan Malaysia, dikunci oleh Perlembagaan Persekutuan, dan dilindungi oleh undang-undang antarabangsa.


Sebarang kegagalan untuk mengiktiraf dan melaksanakan hak ini bukan sahaja melanggar undang-undang domestik dan perjanjian antarabangsa, tetapi juga mencabar prinsip asas kedaulatan wilayah.


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Disediakan sebagai Memorial Undang-Undang Sabah

Saturday, November 29, 2025

Fitnah Sarra terjadi di Malaya dan Sabah

 https://sunnah.com/abudawud:4242

Ini dia hadis tentang Fitnah Sarra. Lebih jelas dari yang Melayu.
Grade: Sahih (Al-Albani) صحيح (الألباني) حكم :
Reference : Sunan Abi Dawud 4242
In-book reference : Book 37, Hadith 3
English translation : Book 36, Hadith 4230


 "‏ هِيَ هَرَبٌ وَحَرْبٌ ثُمَّ فِتْنَةُ السَّرَّاءِ دَخَنُهَا مِنْ تَحْتِ قَدَمَىْ رَجُلٍ مِنْ أَهْلِ بَيْتِي يَزْعُمُ أَنَّهُ مِنِّي وَلَيْسَ مِنِّي وَإِنَّمَا أَوْلِيَائِيَ الْمُتَّقُونَ ثُمَّ يَصْطَلِحُ النَّاسُ عَلَى رَجُلٍ كَوَرِكٍ عَلَى ضِلَعٍ ثُمَّ فِتْنَةُ الدُّهَيْمَاءِ لاَ تَدَعُ أَحَدًا مِنْ هَذِهِ الأُمَّةِ إِلاَّ لَطَمَتْهُ لَطْمَةً فَإِذَا قِيلَ انْقَضَتْ تَمَادَتْ يُصْبِحُ الرَّجُلُ فِيهَا مُؤْمِنًا وَيُمْسِي كَافِرًا حَتَّى يَصِيرَ النَّاسُ إِلَى فُسْطَاطَيْنِ فُسْطَاطِ إِيمَانٍ لاَ نِفَاقَ فِيهِ وَفُسْطَاطِ نِفَاقٍ لاَ إِيمَانَ فِيهِ فَإِذَا كَانَ ذَاكُمْ فَانْتَظِرُوا الدَّجَّالَ مِنْ يَوْمِهِ أَوْ مِنْ غَدِهِ ‏"‏ ‏.‏

Dari Google Translate:

  "It is flight and war, then the tribulation of ease, its smoke coming from under the feet of a man from my family who claims to be from me, but he is not from me. Rather, my allies are the pious. Then the people will agree on a man like a hip on a rib. Then the tribulation of darkness will not leave anyone from this nation without striking him with a blow. And when it is said that it has ended, it will continue. A man will become a believer in it." He will remain an unbeliever until the people are divided into two camps: a camp of faith in which there is no hypocrisy, and a camp of hypocrisy in which there is no faith. When that happens, expect the Antichrist from that day or from the next.
"Its murkiness is due to the fact that it is produced by a man from the people of my house, who will assert that he belongs to me, whereas he does not, for my friends are only the God-fearing. "

"Ia adalah pelarian dan peperangan, kemudian fitnah kemudahan, asapnya keluar dari bawah kaki seorang lelaki dari keluargaku yang mengaku dari pihakku, tetapi dia bukan dari pihakku. Sebaliknya, sekutuku adalah orang-orang yang soleh. Kemudian manusia akan bersepakat untuk seorang lelaki seperti pinggul pada tulang rusuk. Kemudian fitnah kegelapan tidak akan meninggalkan sesiapa pun dari umat ini tanpa memukulnya dengan pukulan. Dan apabila dikatakan bahawa ia telah berakhir, ia akan berterusan. Seseorang akan menjadi orang yang beriman kepadanya." Dia akan tetap menjadi orang yang tidak beriman sehingga manusia berpecah kepada dua kubu: kubu iman yang tidak ada kemunafikan di dalamnya, dan kubu kemunafikan yang tidak ada iman di dalamnya. Apabila itu berlaku, nantikan Dajjal dari hari itu atau dari hari berikutnya.



Memang dari keturunan nabi, tapi tidak di iktiraf oleh nabi sebagai pengikut nya.

Tafsiran Melayu lain pula tapi bercanggah dengan kenyataan ustaz Wadi Annuar bahawa penipu ini adalah keturunan nabi.

"Kemudian fitnah Sarra’ yang asapnya muncul dari bawah kedua kaki seorang laki-laki Ahlu-baitku (keturunan Nabi) ia mengaku berasal dari keturunanku padahal bukan (tidak diakui Nabi). Wali-waliku adalah orang yang bertaqwa. (HR. Abu Dawud, IV/4242)"

murkihess ialah susah nampak sebab kabus. Lebih logik dari kata jasap keluar dari kedua belah kaki seorang lelaki.

Banyak tafsiran hadis bahasa Melayu tidak mengaku penipu di Fitnah Sarra ini adalah keturunan nabi, cuma mengaku saja, tapi dalam bahasa Inggeris, nabi mengaku pula mereka memang keturuan nabi, dan ustaz Wadi Annuar pun kata begitu.

Ada berlaku ditempat lain selain dari Malaya kah? Tiada. Indonesia sudah tiada raja raja yang memang keturunan nabi jadi tidak ada kuasa.

Ada tempat lain kah? Iran pun mungkin sebab ayatollah ramai yang mengaku dari ketuturan nabi, tapi tiada pun perjanjian antarabangsa pembahagiaan harta macam MA63 ini.

Sebab itu aku kata, kembang bulu ku mendengar hadis ini. mulai tahu 2022 tetang Fitnah Sarra kedua iaitu memilih pemimpin bodoh sebab dayus. Hadis ini terangkan, bercaggah dengan penerangan Ustaz Wadi Annuar yang kata bodoh tidak erti kerja.
Fasal Malaya jadi Fitnah Sarra pertama, baru aku camkan dengan pasti pada tahun 2024. Baru mengkaji sejak 2022, siapa kah keturunan nabi yang jadi penipu iaitu dajjal.

Tidak ada alasan lagi orang Malaya sebab nilai nya 1000 ribu juta rm nilai sekarang. Itu lah jumlah hasil Sabah yang di rampas, sebab itu Sabah menjadi termiskin di dunia sudah, sebab berpuluh tahun termiskin di Malaysia pun, terang terangan dan di rancang lagi, supaya terus miskin mengikut rancangan Malaysia.

Lagipun, Fitnah Sarra kedua, iaitu memilih pemimpin bodoh/dayus, cuma terjadi di Sabah sahaja.

Sekali aku baca sampai habis hadis ini, macam dajjal akan timbul dari kominiti ini, iaitu Malaya dan Sabah. Kecuali kita boleh cari tepat lain, macam Iran kah? Palis palis bukan Sabah.

Introduction

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